against fascism in aceh

AMP - This story is not long ago-at the beginning of World War II. It's about a fascist hero who, after a hand has been seized by the war, is likely to be assigned by his fascist boss to register and censor books that are judged unscrupulous, dangerous and insulting to the government. And because they call fascism a dirty, corrupt, dirty, brutal, censor, spying on its own people-in short, "uncritical criticism" -that the fascist government imprisons or tries to threaten to imprison its authors. Incidentally the hero is also a writer.

Of course, while reading the books, the fascist hero uses something he may have long neglected, his brain.

And here the problem is, the fascist's brain betrays, if not broken, by a book of poetry.

This story does not occur in NKRI, a country that a year ago the head of the National Library threw away the books of the work of scientists that he considered troubling the community; a country that in the past week has been hit by the most embarrassing tax problem because it is accused of taking too much of the sale of one of the most prolific writers' books.

And, therefore, it is understandable if a minister is nervous when questioned by journalists for not being able to clearly distinguish what development and arsenic poison have killed a human rights activist. Although in NKRI, of course, we are not short of people or fascist candidates who successfully disguised behind ((adab Timur)).

The above story occurred at the time of General Franco, a Spanish dictator who in terms of his savagery equaled General Suharto. Under this second slaughter government, power can easily put censorship agencies to work more efficiently and trengginas beat up the authors. And, unlike today, I think the government is now a bit too hypocritical and pessimistic about having to use the services of a bunch of professional bouncers to hit the same target.

Every time I tried to imprison a writer because of his writing, I laughed bitterly, and recalled the above story, coldly written by Eduardo Galeano in The Book of Embraces. He tells how the hero repented after being captured by César Vallejo's poems, a Peruvian poet who alienated himself to Spain, fought the Devil inside him and made him tremble for nights.

After that, told, the hero turned against the dictator. For this miraculous conversion, the hero is imprisoned, deprived of his services, and thrown out by a fascist government to whom for years he has devoted his life.

Recently Dandhy Dwi Laksono in a column in Aceh writes that ethnic cleansing in Rohingya can take place on an enormous scale that makes any society-including Indonesia-shocked and reacted, because this abominations are allowed to happen by pro-democracy activists Myanmar.

The intellectuals should have stood at the forefront of preventing the spread of mass extermination, stopping the killer tanks and military operations. But, because by one and another

things, former convicts, fugitives and victims of persecution-those who control most of the current Burmese government-have also been battered and partly schooled by the same perpetrator, the military junta, before both-ex-victims and Satan-shake hands and make peace in the country's elections by 2015.

Dandhy compared the disaster in Rohingya with another similar disaster occurring in Indonesia, fourteen years ago, during the Military Emergency in Aceh.

Similar in terms of how the military gained civilian support for such brutal and bloody operations. The similarities that should make anyone tremble when you know it. And, having managed to show this resemblance, Dandhy was reported by a mass organization.

The Military Emergency in Aceh was also allowed to happen by an Indonesian-educated middle class-at least that time could be counted on the fingers of how many Indonesian intellectuals were willing to calculate carefully the "additional damage" of "stray bullets" or "false arrests" or "schooled" (killed ) during this military operation.

And do not forget how the mass media industry of that era-the majority concentrated in Jakarta-supported the cruelty in Aceh by practicing embedded journalism: a bloody oath to cover up what actually happened for the success of this operation. While religious institutions, usually well known for being quick and responsive, do not react at all, at least to bury dozens of bodies thrown on the street.

Military emergency in Aceh has not been too long ago, some victims are still alive and can still testify about other victims who have died or disappeared.

But what is a Military Emergency?

Military emergency is a situation where military authorities can do anything because they are protected by law to do anything-including killing.

At that time there was no police station where someone could very easily report defamation cases like now, let alone do it on behalf of others.

The police do not handle things like that, because things like that are completely unnecessary. Because once the operation is approved by the parliament and the Indonesian government, all Acehnese are tainted by their name in the face of "being part of or supporting separatist groups," while the means to self-defense such as the courts are not working. Since then all the people of Aceh are criminals assholes!

Lately, this operation has come under fire - and unfortunately, this criticism comes mostly from "Gentiles" abroad. While in the country, the truth about this military operation is reported among others through acehkita, a handful of media who dare to divulge information about the atrocities of Aceh which are controlled by the Regional Military Emergency Authority, an authority that tries to separate good people and traitors with an identity that published by PDMD.

Acehnese who passed the filter were given a new identifier: A piece of red-and-white identification card, almost four times the corrupted e-ID card. While old ID cards, as used by all other Indonesian residents, were withdrawn.

But this KTP still can not disguise the identity of one's tribe, which condemns it wherever they run, as the Rohingyas are now.

Let me give you a story.

When some Acehnese wanted to watch a movie at a foreign cultural center in Jakarta and were asked to show their identity, the cultural center guard refused entry. Not only that, this identity makes security officers afraid and suspect they are terrorists who pretend to watch a movie noir.

While a state-owned bank teller in Jakarta when it was shown this ID laughed off a client. Having just seen this damn ID card for life, he does not believe this identity exists. Therefore, he does not trust his customers and refuses to make transactions.

The civil bureaucracy in Aceh was paralyzed. The military took over the public servants from civilian hands who were then doubtful of its nationalism. One form of public service is a "reinvention effort" against those accused of "having separatist ideas," which may still be saved after being tortured. This rehabilitation activity takes place in civilian-owned buildings. The buildings also serve as temporary prisoners.

But why are things like this still remembered? Is not it peaceful in Aceh now and the separatists have long been converted and become friends? That's the problem.

One of the locations of torture was centered in the Archives Building, which made the memory of the time lagging and well documented.