TLP and government have same objectives but different methods

Prime Minister Imran Khan on Monday said although his government and the recently proscribed Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) had the same goal to end incidents of blasphemy around the world, their methodologies to deal with the issue were different.

In a televised address to the nation, the premier referred to the violence perpetrated by TLP activists over the last week after their leader's arrest and the ensuing government crackdown as "regrettable" incidents.

"Our country is the only one which was founded in the name of Islam, what was its slogan? 'Pakistan ka matlab kia, La Ilaha Illallah'," he said.

Editorial:

Imran said like the TLP, the government too wanted that there was no blasphemy against the Prophet in any country.

"Only our methods are different," he said, noting that while the TLP wanted the French ambassador to be expelled and Pakistan's relations to be severed with France, his government had adopted a different strategy.

He continued: "Around 1990, Salman Rushdie wrote a book in which he disrespected our Prophet.The public came out on Pakistani streets, the American embassy was attacked and people were martyred too.

"After that, you can see in history that after every few years, someone in any Western country does blasphemy against him. Muslims are hurt, there are reactions abroad too and demonstrations here in our country as well but the same process continues after every few years.

The government waited and waited as the TLP cut off motorways, blocked highways, vandalised public property, smashed cars, thrashed and even killed policemen, and held normalcy hostage for three days; yes, the government waited, and watched, and stayed silent — even the most voluble brigade of spokespersons — in face of this anarchy. In Islamabad, high officials and their political bosses struggled to hide their nervousness under the garb of silence. They did so because most of them were at least savvy enough to recognise the cluck cluck cluck of their chickens coming home to roost. Retreat into the oblivious comfort of the Red Zone is often the preferred option for rulers in such inconvenient circumstances.

PTI did not disappoint.
This is exemplified by the confusion within most key ministries in terms of hierarchies, responsibilities and reporting lines. The prime example is the information ministry. Till Shibli Faraz took off the ministerial hat, he was constantly fending off encroachments on his turf by various others appointed to wage the communication war. It was no secret that there was constant tension between the federal minister, the PM’s special assistant Shahbaz Gill and the CM Punjab’s adviser Dr Firdous Ashiq Awan. Often times there was a tug-of-war between the three in terms of who would communicate the official message at a particular time. Earlier there was a minister of state for information and now there exists a special assistant to the PM on information. It is not clear what his job is. Few know the clear demarcations between the designated responsibilities of these various people. Too many cooks, even in a communication kitchen, spoil the information broth — especially when it is not clear who is slicing the cabbage and who is stirring the pot. A new federal minister for information may be on the way but the fundamental problem remains ingrained within this minefield.

Cc

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