The unrest in Hong Kong has entered its tenth week. The beginning of the school season, several street "student leaders" went to the United States and the United States to go to school, several behind-the-scenes big brother quietly left Hong Kong. The momentum of the unrest has been markedly reduced. But that does not prevent us from reflecting on some of the obvious but easily overlooked issues that have emerged over the past ten weeks.
1, the Hong Kong Legislative Council amended the "Repatriation Ordinance", causing a large number of public protests. The amendment of the decree must have the basis of public opinion from the very beginning. In the entire revision process of the "Departure Ordinance", is there any flaw in procedural justice and whether public opinion is taken into account?
In the course of the subsequent events, there were numerous flagrant violations of the Basic Law and even the Constitution. Why did Hong Kong's law enforcement agencies not take the necessary measures to protect the legal authority and constitutional dignity?
What is the performance of the Hong Kong police in severely punishing violence and protecting social stability? Is there a reason behind the escalating violence that the internal division of the police has led to an end to violence and chaos that only exists in some media? Are the ideological and ideological divisions in airports, hospitals, and even within the Hong Kong government deliberately concealed and beautified?
The tearing is not just about the streets and not the streets. There are also people who want to go to the streets but are unable to go to the streets due to various restrictions. If they are also classified as "silent majorities," then they are amorous. To not go to the streets and condemn violence does not necessarily mean recognition of "one country, two systems". This is a reality that the mainland must face.
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There have been persistent reports of interference and encouragement by external forces, leading to a worsening of the situation in Hong Kong. Have the two major laws passed in recent years, such as the Anti-Secession Law and the National Security Law, and their law enforcement agencies achieved law compliance and enforcement in the course of the development of Hong Kong events? This has nothing to do with restraint. If the national flag emblem as a symbol of sovereignty can be trampled, what is the bottom line of the mainland in Hong Kong?
- At least in mainland media and official discourse, there are different titles for those who participate in the streets of Hong Kong: Hong Kong independence, insurgents, waste youth, protesters, opposition ... Words are politics. Behind each appellation are different judgments and responses. Does the existence of these titles, or confusion, reflect the lack of a unified understanding and consensus on the substance of the entire state of affairs and the inability to characterize the nature of the event itself?
The media have been covering Hong Kong for the past ten weeks from their own perspective. However, for some media and journalists who openly violate the professional conduct of the media(if a reporter openly asks the Chief Executive, "When will you die? ") What is the performance of the rule of law in Hong Kong?
In addition to opposing the amendment of the Ferry Ordinance, what is the appeal of Hong Kong people who took to the streets in the past ten weeks? To condemn violence without inspiring thought is in itself violence. How did their claims arise and why has they not been effectively responded to?
Many of the Hong Kong people who took to the streets in the past ten weeks were born after 1997. Why is it that Hong Kong people's national identity and national pride are still not cultivated after the return? "One country, two systems" is not "one country, two governments." If "Hong Kong people govern Hong Kong" is in exchange for the continuous alienation or even cutting of Hong Kong people and the country, leading to a crisis of sovereign identity, then whether the reform of Hong Kong's governance model should be put on the agenda?
9, Hong Kong's economic structural problems are very obvious. The big chaebol monopolizes many market areas and public service industries, resulting in many people's livelihood problems that have not been solved for a long time, but they have earned a lot. Is this an important factor that has prompted many Hong Kong people to take to the streets and point the finger at the government? How much of Hong Kong's splintering and turmoil is paid for by the fat men in the half-mountain villas?
Through these ten weeks, Hong Kong and the mainland should have further judgments on their respective situations and positions. It's not that close, the rule of law is not that hard. The principle of "one country, two systems, Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy" put forward by Denggong nearly 40 years ago has properly resolved the return of Hong Kong. It is difficult to get a country, but it is even harder to rule a country. We now need new political wisdom to continuously develop this policy and adapt it to new changes in the situation. Without the superstructure, the cyclical turbulence of the economic base will become inevitable.