The Rise of Alt-Right, Contemporary Nationalisms and the New World Order

"It has been said that race is a collection of men united not only by their origin but by a common error in the consideration of their origin." (Karl Popper)

1| INTRODUCTION
The year of 2016 was the scene of one of the most controversial elections that the United States of America witnessed. Donald Trump’s candidacy for the Republican party and, moreover, his unexpected victory, has been the source of a number of controversies and has been a turning point in American politics. In the midst of this scenario, the rise of rotational movements as representatives of the American extreme right wing stands out. Network World Network Trumpere networks out government and represents how groups have open access to express themselves politically within the North American context. However, the phenomenon of the expanding emergence movement is not limited to a state-run attempt to create emerging companies in Europe in the last three years: among them a strong performance by the UK Independence Party (UKIP), British nationalist party as leader of the drive in favor of the victorious Brexit, and the remarkable campaign of Marine Le Pen in France.

In the midst of such movements, there has been a strong emergence of ideologies that nevertheless appeal to already well-known radical discourses of identity, raised flags such as white nationalism and the defense of the purification of the European people. The resurgence of radical groups linked to nationalist and racialist narratives brings to light the ghosts of the twentieth century. German Nazism and Italian fascism are not, today, concrete threatening realities such as they were in the context of World War II. However, to deny the existence of similar discourses that bring with them remnants of such ideologies, is shown as an alienation of the empirical reality, since the preaching of an identity constituted in the idea of ​​races and the support to reactionary political positions are basic elements of some of emerging groups that are increasingly gaining a voice in political environments and in contemporary public debate. This move is in contrast to the international liberal order established in the post-Cold War period, which brought with it a particularly new reality in the way the international system has been constituted, overcoming a systematic function, but above all creating an environment every time more of interdependence, cooperation and sharing of values ​​that underpin the notion of an International Society. (BULL, 2002)


The emergence of these groups carries the demonstration that this new world order is threatened by an identity crisis that resurrects the most brutal and irrational ideological feelings as a resentful response to this transition process. Donald Trump’s actions in the presidency have long demonstrated the anti-liberal character of his governance, as treaties and agreements that the United States, one of the main actors (if not the main) in the International System, are part of are neglected by the current President, being an example of problems that put in check the consistency of the liberal institutions before the sovereignty and arbitrary will of the modern State, questioning to what extent the cosmopolitan aspirations that aim at the maximization of the sharing of values ​​and norms in the international environment are able to demonstrate effectiveness.

This article, therefore, aims to reflect, from the archetype that the American alternative right (Alt-Right) represents with its ideological discourse, on the way in which the new reactionaryism presents itself as a much more encompassing and articulated phenomenon in its diverse manifestations of the as individual and isolated cases, seeking to find the elements that make such historically marginalized and historically demoralized narratives gain a certain reputation in the contemporary public environment, demonstrating how the rise and adherence of these discourses by the masses reflects problems directly related to the destiny of the liberal order and its institutions.

Understanding the emergence of the american alternative right proposes here to understand a phenomenon greater than the same, but which has in its essence the most significant possible representation of the problematic pointed out. The Alt-Right is not the only nationalist movement to stand out in the international political arena, as already pointed out, the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union is one of these relevant examples, together with the strong growth of nationalist movements in European countries that dialogue in much to the rise of the new American right and to the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States of America.

Throughout the exposition, this article will therefore be restricted to an analysis of the American movement, with similar analogous movements in Europe, since one of the objectives is, above all, to understand how the alternative right and its speech personify in the highest possible form what such parallel movements also represent in various ways. All of these, however diverse they may be, demonstrate a common bond and act for a particular worldview. It is precisely this world view that needs to be identified in the alternative right discourse.

Being a dispersed movement, of an almost exclusively new and virtual character, the Alt-Right can not be characterized from a highly articulated and well systematized philosophy. Its repaginated ideology is scarcely found in books and large uniformed treatises. The philosophy on which Alt-Right feeds has its ideological ancestors, its theoretical foundations, but its current face is still being shaped, and is modeled after a dynamic activism, adapted to the mechanisms of the present generation. However, a minimum trace of what is at the heart of the new reactionary movement is possible. In order to do this, it is necessary to identify the main elements that make up his discourse, finding in his ideas the basic points that will serve as a tool for a true understanding of his ascension as a political movement.

Among these will be a focus on the strong appeal of tribal belonging that governs the nationalist phenomenon; their racial grounds; and the agenda that such a narrative carries in his political discourse. Consequently, the nationalist opposition will be exposed to the cosmopolitan discourse and its strong reaction to the contemporary globalized international system. Finally, it will be analyzed how this new nationalism of opposition to the emergent cosmopolitanism articulates politically and presents itself as a viable and attractive alternative for the masses in the contemporary public debate.

2| ON TRIBALISM

The focus on immigration policy is today the most important item on the right-wing alternative agenda. The narrative of an America only for its own and the fight against immigration has been the link of convergence between these groups and the governmental action. The tribal perspective fueled by a notion of races is used as a theoretical justification for american social problems and as the most basic foundation of the alternative right in the propagation of its political discourse. Jared Taylor, one of the leading intellectual representatives of the movement and editor of American Renaissance, argues in his book White Identity, how propagated racial diversity is the cause of the most diverse conflicts found within society, the struggle between races being the basic elements of various issues involving crime (Taylor, 2011).

Donald Trump’s proposal to build a wall along the Mexican border is the embodiment of this immigration policy focused on isolation. For Alt-Right is this element that makes Trump a necessary component for the advancement of propagated ideology. A president who has the courage to counter the status quo and preach a rigid immigration policy is what the alternative right aims for as a way of advancing his ideological project. As Richard Spencer, another leading figure in the movement, President of the National Policy Institute and creator of his own alternative right-wing term, responds to the press about what he and Alt-Right expect about Donald Trump’s performance: "Obviously the wall (on the border with Mexico) and to be hard on illegal immigration. These are things he has promised and are at the basis of his movement."

The policy of isolationism has been a source of inspiration for political articulations in recent years. The election of Donald Trump and other recent cases cited above, above all, that this sentiment also flourishes among the masses, to the point of giving voice to political movements that are articulated through this social demand. This phenomenon presents itself as a manifestation of the tribal feelings that have always been present throughout human history and which, when confronted in a world of multiple cultural contacts, ends up presenting expected and at the same time unpredictable reactions.


2.1 - Racial Realism
The starting point of the alternative right thought is based on an intellectual tradition already known since the nineteenth century, a tradition that was the basis for several ideologies and systems that propagated the tribalist discourse of a society constituted by races. Racial realism, also known as scientific racism or racialism, presents a narrative, first of all, of an intellectual character. Present in works of authors like Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, Joseph Arthur de Gobineau, among others, the idea consists in the affirmation of the race as a real and highly relevant factor in the development of the human being as such, as far as its biological and social identity is concerned. This theory, however, has lost ground in the scientific environment and today is considered as disqualified in the way it seeks to conceptualize the idea of ​​a racial identity as a naturally determining factor in the life of the individual.

Even though its status is downgraded to pseudo-science, the naturalist and deterministic idea of ​​the race still shows itself to be deeply rooted in certain contemporary discourses, and yet its concept is sometimes evoked as legitimately scientific. It is what can be noticed in the narrative that governs the ideology of Alt-Right; racial realism is assiduously used as the foundation of the quest for a white identity, as argued by Jared Taylor, "the prevailing view in the media and in some academic settings is that race can not be legitimated even as a biological category [...]This view ignores the broad scope of scientific work that suggests race and ethnic consciousness as rooted in human psychology."(TAYLOR, 2011, p.81)

For the alternative right, race is an undeniable fact, such an element is what composes the social order and, therefore, must be the one by which the bases of a political activity are established. Race, moreover, not only divides humans biologically, but is the source of social behaviors and habits that are associated with the racial factor in such a way that the defense of white supremacy is present insofar as discourse of safeguarding the allegedly intrinsically white virtues that constitute the civilizational ideal are designated as elements of racial identity itself, as Richard Spencer expressed by associating concepts such as power, strength, beauty and attitude to European racial identity.

2.2 - The Ethnic State
The ideological political proposition that Alt-Right brings is explicitly what is conceptualized as an ethnic state. As for the adherents of the movement, community relations must be founded on the basis of the blood link and therefore racial, the political structure of a society must also be based on the concept of races. In short, the state becomes the embodiment of a personified racial power. To the alternative right, the creation of a state for whites is the simple updating of US origins, as Richard Spencer says,

"The United States was definitely an ethnic state." One of the first legal documents, the immigration act of 1790, immigration to the US only for white people.This country has effectively been defined by the breed from its inception. " (Verbal Information). The discourse of races turns out to be not only a discourse of reaction or revolt, but an established political project and its roots are common to past past totalitarianisms of which mankind has had the displeasure to witness ascension. A political project based on race is necessarily dependent on a restructuring of the state structure. The ideology of the new tribalism thus finds an echo in political manifestations that also evoked the same principles, as Karl Popper demonstrates in his analysis of tribalism in the twentieth century, "According to modern totalitarian doctrines, the state as such is not the the highest aim of a race or nation is to form a powerful state, which can serve as a powerful instrument. of their self-preservation. "(POPPER, 1987, p.70)

Thus, the supremacist militancy consists in giving rise to a collective consciousness that will bring to the individual his notion of belonging to a community. As Spencer says, "creating a European-American consciousness. This is my life goal. "This psychology of appeal to an awakening of a community consciousness is also echoed in the German Nazi mentality. Hitler thought that recognition of the blood link has as its ultimate goal the awakening of an individual conscience towards his race." (HITLER, 2016)

For Spencer, this is the ideology that moves his ideology. His projection, even if not concrete, is a revolutionary dream. The projection of a racial community bond guides the reactionary minds and moves activists toward the aspiration of a society divided in color and makes the alternative right an ideological update for the affirmation of a white and European identity to the detriment of other ethnicities.

2.2.1 - Blood and Soil
The ideal of a society organized from a conception of races is not new and has its foundation in the myth of Blut und Boden (Blood and Soil) that was used by the already cited Hitler as an expression of its supremacist ideology. Blood refers to the blood connection between peoples, the soil to the ancestral settlement in a given geographical context. Karl Popper (1987), shows how the myth of Blood and Soil is a fraudulent product of Hegelian Idealism, which for Popper is the father of the totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century. The notion of "Spirit" is replaced as in Marxism by a material element, however, whereas for Marx matter is constituted in production, in racialist ideology, spirit is blood - race (Popper, 1987). This same motto is used as a foundation for the tribal aspirations of the American movement. However, reducing the Alt-Right phenomenon to an exact replica of German Nazism would be a reductionist mistake. As Richard Spencer states, "no, we do not want to reproduce Nazi Germany. This is a movement from the past that does not help us and is not going anywhere.”

The new supremacist tribalism emphasizes its political advantage precisely because it is an up-to-date movement, adapted to the platforms and problems of the 21st century, seeking to project its reactionary essence from a youthful and revolutionary idealism. One of its characteristics is the engagement through social networks: the use of forums, blogs and virtual interactions through memes, makes the project to build a state for the white race, where the common good as a protection of the race and its "Civilization", aligned with an idealistic, jovial and harmless preaching is one of the reasons for the strong engagement that Alt-Right can embrace. This discourse carried by a reactionary and historically violent ideology with clear antecedents in what concerns its ideas, has become a tool of revolt and dissatisfaction against a current political establishment.

Race, as a factor first and foremost that appeals to an imaginary element, becomes a highly attractive aspect in the impetus of affirmation of identity and ends up being an instrument for explaining the supposed political and social problems that exist. The myth of blood and soil is a radical expression of the identity appeal existing in human relations, and when there is a vacuum in the face of such a demand, identity becomes the center of the incessant search for ideologies, to the point of raising extreme clamor that says to present the answers to the moment of crisis. The identity factor has become an increasingly delicate and inflamed element in the most diverse contemporary political debates, the problem that is evident is that if there is so much a search for identity, it is concluded that there is lack of it. The individual, as a social being, has found this void in the way of dealing with community belonging. Neo-tribalism thus reveals the inevitable consequences of this identity problem. His ascension, however, is renewed, for as long as it has its foundations linked to the experiences already lived in history, its methods and discourses are updated, bringing a new face, new enemies and a new way of doing politics.

3| ON COSMOPOLITISM

The end of the twentieth century is marked by the initial embodiment of a new aspiration in shaping relations between states. The wars that led to this period was marked by a realistic perception of the world. Two major wars beyond the notorious cold war eventually marginalized the liberal proposals of a cooperative and harmonious society. However, the post-war period in line with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the world dichotomy that made the world a stage of threatening tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union was responsible for developing a would be established in the 21st century. The capitalist world was victorious, the liberal state and bourgeois democracy supplanted its enemies.

The consequences of the triumph of capitalism and the defeat of totalitarian nationalisms were the most varied: Globalization, accentuation of international agreements and treaties aimed at cooperation, focus on the expansion of Human Rights, creation of free trade economic blocs, in addition to the singular multipolar and multicivilizational interaction never seen before in history (HUNTINGTON, 1997) along with other elements that follow a common characteristic point - a cosmopolitan view of the world.

Due to the traumatic experiences of the past century, the focus on cooperation and internationalization of relations was no longer a simple idealistic aspiration and it became a forceful alternative to a world that tried to find more sophisticated answers to the demands of sovereign states in the quest for hegemony. Nationalism and its usefulness as organizer of the social bond came to be questioned, as the philosopher Sir Roger Scruton points out, "at a time when peace was established after 1945, with Germany in ruins and the Eastern European states under rigid Soviet control, a kind of consensus emerged among the new political class - a category that was tasked with rebuilding nations defeated By this consensus, Europe was torn apart by nationalism, and the future of the continent could only be secured if national loyalties, which provoked so much belligerence, were quietly and discreetly replaced by something else."(SCRUTON, 2016, 56)

At the turn of the century this discourse was gaining more and more form and the proposal of which Kant refers (2008) of a perpetual peace that would be constituted from a federation of States, where the preservation of national sovereignty would still exist, but being submitted in a manner consensual, through the use of reason, to a universal common good, has never been so close and its propagation has never been so elevated by an optimistic feeling that sees in the future the possibility of an international system increasingly closer to progress and the much desired peace. Following the failure of the League of Nations, evidenced by the rise of World War II, the United Nations Organization (UNO) presents itself as a more articulated, updated and consistent alternative in the way it establishes the sustainability of its institutions. The individual as an identity element applied to all men is being taken more and more literally. The Human Rights proposal highlights this characteristic universal element that has been implemented. In today’s world being an individual, in theory, tends to be a status of greater significance than being Brazilian, British, Canadian, Argentine or American.

The notion of an inherent right to each individual by the simple fact of the existence of personality clearly evokes the attempt to establish a universal notion of being human. Human rights are not limited to borders and to particular elements such as ethnicity, culture, religion, sexuality, gender and the like. Its application is considered as convenient and, moreover, necessary for every individual to guarantee the very dignity of the human person.

The applicability of this right is surrounded by a series of controversies regarding its legitimacy. However, it does not fit here a legal discussion regarding the problems surrounding the barriers that it encounters. What should be noted is that its existence as an ideal to be achieved represents concretely and positively the increasingly developed consolidation of a universal conception of identity against a social modulation built through national identity. Its aspirations date back to ancient times, such as the French Revolution of the eighteenth century, however, its normative structure was effectively developed in the last century and its expansion is one of the most characteristic aspects of the world today in its search for the universal individual.

3.1 - The Antiglobalism
In the midst of this increasingly universalistic and multicultural world, various questions about the capacity for concreteness in relation to liberal ideals are raised. The idea of ​​the universal man is confronted as the particularities that individuals nourish in their characteristics and ways of living show elements highly related to the context in which they inhabit. Cultural, religious and social divergences are capable of shaping the way man, a social being, sees reality itself, adapting to it from its experience.

This assertion of a cultural identity versus the attempt to formulate a universalized individual becomes a structuring tool for what may be called a kind of conspiracy political theory - Globalism: the term, which has several variants and a polysemic character, is used here for the sake of a specific ideological narrative, the narrative that the great world corporations dominated by progressive revolutionary ideals intend to disorganize the Western world and the power of sovereign states, aiming at the creation of a World State and the implementation of a new order. More precisely, Globalism would be "like a set of global and international bodies [...] dominated by bureaucrats who want to establish a single system around the world" (Verbal Information),
as Richard Spencer puts it.

The narrative of Globalism is not exclusive to the American alternative right. The movement around Brexit, contrary to the European Union, which is seen as one of the arms of the Globalist ideology, has in its position a strong reaction to the idea of ​​a political project that goes against the values ​​of national sovereignty. Nigel Farage, one of the leading leaders of the Brexit movement in a debate on Globalism vs. Nationalism organized by Wall Street News, argues: "This 2016 revolution is something that will be studied for centuries, because something happened in 2016 and was the rebirth of the concept of national state, and for decades, what they were trying to do was to build new artificial forces of supra-national structures. "(Verbal Information)

It is here that the Alt-Right phenomenon is conjectured as something that goes beyond the limits of the particularities of American politics. One can not compare with total equivalence diverse movements, such as Brexit, Alt-Right and other emerging nationalisms. Each one of them has its peculiarities, they are guided by historical elements of each context and have different political contents in several questions. However, in order to understand the explosive rise of the American movement even with its most controversial agendas, it is necessary to understand the discourse that makes such a movement have some kind of appeal to the common public. Racism, white supremacy and neo-Nazism are not new elements in the American political context, movements such as the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) already militate in favor of a white identity long before this new right to think about doing so. The historical motives that lead to the emergence of such movements are diverse and proper to the formation of the United States of America.

Alt-Right’s growing fame does not represent a mass adherence to these discourses already present in American society. The elementary point in this work is to reflect precisely on how a movement that preaches such old and at the same time marginalized ideas began to have such a rise, to the point of influencing significantly the presidential election and dialoguing even with those who do not aim or adopt a racialist ideology.

The fight against Globalism and the affirmation of the national state in search of an identity in the face of the advances of a cosmopolitan conception of the world have been proving a plural phenomenon in several countries through several distinct movements and is a basic element in the understanding of the Alt-Right phenomenon. The alternative right makes a chorus to this narrative that is becoming more popular. His rise does not represent, in fact, a mass conversion of supremacist ideas, but a general longing for a politics of identity and representation in the face of the changes of contemporary society.

What unites such movements and connects them to the people, making them elect a candidate, and win referendums, is the common enemy. The enemy to be defeated tends to be the most important element in the construction of an ideology: the bourgeoisie for socialism, the Jew for Nazism and, in this case, the "new world order" that can give voice to even the most reactionary postures. As Samuel Huntington points out, "enemies are essential to peoples who are seeking their identity and reinventing their ethnicity" (Huntington, 1997, 8).

Around this enemy is revealed where the source of the force of such movements comes from. It is, above all, a cry of identity warfare. As the candidate Marine Le Pen, one of the representatives of the anti-EU movement in France said, "the time has come to defeat the globalists." The uprising of such ideologies demonstrates, above all, a cry for identity. In an increasingly plural and multicultural world, the affirmation of identity has become an instrument capable of evoking the most extreme ideologies.

3.2 - The Overcoming of Conservatism
One of the main features of the alternative right’s political action, and in this is the very terminology of the expression "alternative" associated with the movement, is its opposition to the conservative expressions currently designated as "mainstream" or belonging to the establishment. The narrative that traditional republican conservatism (the prevailing right) is no longer able to respond to the yearnings of the people, is one of the basic elements in the construction of Alt-Right’s discourse.

"Conservatives no longer try to conserve what is most important: their own people," argues Jared Taylor. The alternative right presents itself as the true, new redemptive right that rescues an effective political expression as opposed to a so-called corrupted and sold conservatism. Here there is clear internal opposition within the political movements on the right. The same phenomenon is also reflected in Brexit’s progress: the rise of a right-wing party opposing not only traditional left-wing political opponents, but presenting itself as an alternative to prevailing conservatism can also be perceived in the position of the Conservative Party the referendum. The issue was not unanimity and was not part of the party’s official agenda as such, evidence of this is that the then prime minister, David Cameron, active at the time of the referendum and a member of the Conservative Party, was strongly in favor of the European Union. The ideological performance in opposition to the European bloc was carried out by another party, the UKIP, which already had on its agenda the preaching of the independence of the United Kingdom as flagship.

In this resurgence of nationalism vis-a-vis the world of interdependence, the narrative of the alternative right and its equivalents is that traditional conservatism is no longer sufficient in the positioning against globalist ideology, being just another contributor of such interests. A new right is needed. An alternative right, which will rescue the values ​​that must be cultivated for the keeping of civilization.

To conceptualize conservatism is in itself an arduous task and perhaps even incapable of being realized in a definitive way. The ideal, as proposed by João Pereira Coutinho (2014), is to think of conservatism in the plural, understanding the conservative political expression as a heterogeneous phenomenon and quite broad, which often ends up designating even self- excluding This is evidenced by the Alt-Right phenomenon and its opposition to the traditional American right, a narrative that is posited by many as conservative and at the same time opposes the conservative expressions present.

It is precisely this that makes Donald Trump the most representative figure of this movement even though he is not directly attached to it: his candidacy was highly rejected by the Republican Party, strong names within American conservatism in its various aspects such as Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, Mitt Romney and Marco Rubio were much better alternatives within the party structure. Trump was dismissed for both his improbability of victory and his stance and very controversial stance toward the traditional candidates. In an article for Politico Magazine, Yuval Levin, writes about how conservatives lost the GOP with Donald Trump’s victory: "To put it mildly, this electoral cycle has revealed grave flaws and weaknesses on the right, and the Republican Party will be working to but for conservatives - I mean those who advocate some version of the difficult balance of traditionalism in the moral arena, market mechanisms to address our economic challenges, and the American force in a dangerous world, all ruled by a constitutionalism of limited government - these sad lessons of the year, we are afraid of a comprehensive implication: we can no longer treat the Republican Party simply as our own."

3.2.1 - The Trump Phenomenon

The election of Donald Trump demonstrates the relevance and personifies this rise of the alternative right in the American political scene and his anti-globalist discourse. Donald Trump can not be considered a declared member of the movement, at times he tries to dissociate his image from such groups. Speaking to the press, Trump said, "It’s not a group I want to encourage. And if they are motivated, I want to investigate this and know the reason. " Trump’s approach to Alt-Right is a more complex phenomenon than it appears to be. In sum, Trump’s election is more the reflection of political sentiments that are being revoked by the masses than a rational and articulated projection of a particular political movement.

Donald Trump and Alt-Right represent the same sentiment, but their respective emergencies have their peculiarities. However, what unites them does not fail to be explicit: the strong search for affirmation of American sovereignty and an opposition to the current political structure makes Trump the political representative of this widespread sentiment. In such a way the candidacy of Donald Trump was deeply supported and encouraged by the groups of the alternative right, because with its polemical, sometimes aggressive stance and its anti-immigration agenda calling for a more isolationist political action, the current president eventually entered aligned with the ideals propagated by Alt-Right activists.

The support of such a move to Trump is thus a sort of opportunism: Trump is more a tool for the Alt-Right than a representative, and the opposite is also supported; Trump does not prove himself a supremacist ideologue, but he does not stop surfing on that speech in his way of doing politics.

In short, Donald Trump and Alt-Right go hand in hand as lively alternatives to the left and to the traditional North American right. The goal in emphasizing his peculiar personality and posture is a tool used by Alt-Right to foment opposition to republican conservatism and to become a viable political alternative of representation against the political establishment. When confronted by traditional voters about his distinctive stance, Trump replied, "This is the Republican Party. Not the Conservative Party." For Alt-Right, this sounds like music because it represents an opening to an increasingly radical discourse as a viable political alternative within the American institutional structure. And it is in this sense that Trump becomes an important piece for the movement and personifies the rise of tribalist ideology. "Save Trump, save the victory, save our people," said Richard Spencer.

The Trump phenomenon is the face of much deeper and more dangerous political feelings, it is not in itself the representation of such a movement, but it brings with it the feeling that causes the Alt-Right to have a voice, and makes the link between power and the ideological threats that new reactionaryism encompasses in its narrative, possible.

4| CONCLUSION
The 21st century is experiencing the consequences of an ongoing process of transformation of political and international relations. The globalized, increasingly interdependent and connected world has awakened a trend increasingly directed towards the unification of identity. However, the universalist liberal ideal is confronted by the inability to promote representativeness before the most diverse cultural identities. Man, as a social being, depends and calls for a bond of union that identifies him and makes him coexist in a minimally peaceful way with the one who is by his side, on a daily basis. As Scruton puts it,
"Opposition, disagreement, free manifestation, and the conciliatory solution as a rule all presuppose a common identity. There has to be a plural first person, a" we, "if the many individuals exist to stay together, accepting the opinions and wishes of others, regardless of differences. " (SCRUTON, 2016, page 58)

In practice, the society increasingly open and disconnected from cultural elements that are present in the affirmation of nationality, has generated fears, conflicts and are putting universalist aspirations in check. The appeal to a strong and radical affirmation of identity is an answer to this cosmopolitan transformation, in such a way that it opens space for the most diverse and extravagant ideologies. Apart from an ideological war, it is possible to conceive of an identity conflict, highlighting the failure of cosmopolitanism.

The energetic rise of various nationalist groups around the globe, present in the Alt-Right phenomenon and its racialist ideology repaginated by an attractive political expression and adapted to the contemporary platforms, represents one of the most radical expressions that the search for an identity and a appeal to mass-union is capable of producing, to the point that an "abstract" nationality by itself is no longer the only point of affirmation, and even the race is a form of appeal to identity capable of gaining a voice in public debate. In the post-Cold War world, the most important distinctions are not ideological, political, and economic: they are cultural. peoples and nations are trying to answer the most basic question that human beings can face: who are we? And they are answering that question in the way they have traditionally responded to it - referring to the things that matter most to them. as well as in terms of ancestry, religion, language, history, values, customs and institutions. (HUNTINGTON, 1997, p.20)

Huntington’s analysis of the emergence of the identitary and cultural aspect that would occur to the point of taking center stage in the main conflicts in the present century has been increasingly sensible and relevant to the debate about understanding contemporary crises. From Islamic terrorism to immigration issues, it is clear that ethnic and cultural elements have been the preferred refuge of those who seek their own identity. The universalist attempt which the West has been attempting to produce thus finds its greatest obstacle - that is, a vast number of habits, customs, and cultural aspects which involve human relations in their respective environments.

It is evident, however, that the aspirations that surround cultivation to the legislated cooperation of the relations between the States is an important step in the attempt to establish means for the maintenance of the order in the international system, as Scruton points out, "The truth in the internationalism is that the Sovereign states are legal entities and must negotiate among themselves through a system of rights, duties, obligations and responsibilities: in other words, through the
"calculation of rights and duties". voluntary agreements that have a binding force by law, and such pacts should be binding on consecutive governments, just as a law firm contract binds successive directors.To make such agreements possible, states must be sovereign - that is, able to decide the issues themselves - and also be willing to forgo the powers for these entities international agreements and the law governing them."(SCRUTON, 2016, p. 163)

The search for universalized cooperative relationships is one of the greatest legacies that the contemporary world has built, but the negation of the limits that such aspirations possess will tend to leverage more and more the elementary problems that have emerged in the last centuries and among them , the strong rise of a new tribalism as a radical and even dangerous response to current crises. This element demonstrates the failure of the Western enterprise to try to establish its project of cultural universalization (HUNTINGTON, 1997).

Finally, it is understood that the basilar point in the understanding of the emergence of such atypical and marginalized political narratives will gain such expression in the public debate, it is a phenomenon much more extensive and problematic than it appears to be. The rise of the Alt-Right and the new contemporary tribalisms is the inevitable consequence of an identity crisis that can not find in the cosmopolitan promises an element of civilizational support in such a way that even the most primitive of discourses becomes an attractive alternative in search for the movement of the masses, explaining not only the energetic emergence of the American movement, but also the whole wave of national identity and identity that has gained a voice in recent years.

Victor Oliveira is a Student of International Relations, Writer and Film Critic

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