Francis Fukuyama - Universalization of Western Liberal Democracy or the End of History

"The End In 1992 the book goes under the title" The End of History and the Last Man. "The core of his challenging thesis is that it seems we are witnessing not just the end of the" Cold War "or the completion of a specified period of modern history, and the end of history as such- the final point in the ideological evolution of mankind and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human control Not that henceforth there will be events to fill the pages in the annual Statement of international relations in "Foreign affair" because the victory of liberalism has taken place mainly in the field of ideas is consciousness but is still partial to the real world l material reality. No there are serious grounds for hope that liberalism is ideal that ultimately will guide material reality. Are there any ideological competitors to liberalism? Fukuyama identifies two of them. Among all the alternatives to liberal democracy, the most powerful is, according to him, the "power of the Asian model" (in Japan, South Korea, Singapore ...). authoritarian rule, with the recognition of hierarchy and order.

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Another Islamic political theocracy is another competitor of Western liberal democracy. According to him, Islamic fundamentalism is not only a competitor to liberalism in the Islamic world, it has combined the unequivocal victory of liberalism in many countries. Theoretical State as a political alternative to liberal democracy today offers only Islam . Close Islamic countries are theocracies / in which the Quran is both a source of faith and the law, and sharia-dominated Islamic religious law / But this doctrine is not attractive to the rest of the non-Muslim world, and therefore has no universal meaning in history. According to French political scientist Pierre Hassier, despite the "tempting charm of the article," Fukuyama 's thesis fails to cover the "third world." It does not take into account the growing intolerance caused by the clash of cultures and overcrowding of the planet. Irving Kristol points to deeper reasons to distinguish himself from Fukuyama - it is enough to return to Aristotle and his understanding that all forms of government (democracy, oligarchy, aristocracy, monarchy, despotism) are internally unsustainable, transient. century has witnessed a number of resistance to the centuries-old liberal democracy - they have failed, but the sources have remained. The most prolific / sarcastic / objection comes from the most famous of the living contemporary political scientists -Ralph Dareddorff (who is himself a radical liberal) He calls the Fukuyama political essay "a pretty rough article." According to him, as the cartoon achieves its goal , exaggerating the characteristics of real people, likewise Fukuyama's article is a cartoon of the serious defense of an idea.

Professor Samuel Huntington, director of Harvard Institute for Strategic Studies, said that in the foreseeable future, there will be no universal civilization (be it a "liberal democracy"), and many different civilizations. According to the 21st century, it will be characterized not by the struggle between ideologies and political systems, but the clash of civilizations. World conflicts will not be ideological, but conflicts of civilizations will prevail. Instead of the "iron curtain" of ideologies, Europe and the world are now separated f cultures and religions. A different solution to the problem of civilizations and conflicts of the future is sought after by the famous futurologist Alfin Toffler. According to his theory of conflicts The main struggle we face is not between Islam and the West, or between the West and the others, as Samuel Huntington has recently argued. No America is in decline, as Paul Kennedy says. Nor, as Francis Fukuyama thinks, we are facing "The end of history." The deeper economic and strategic change is the approaching division of the world into three clearly outlined, different and potentially conflicting civilizations that can not fit into the conventional definitions:

a / The Civilization of the First Wave has been and still is inevitably related to the Earth. It is the product of the Agrarian Revolution.

b) The second wave's civilization is connected with a new way of accumulation of wealth - the factory production. The product of the great Second Wave is the industrial civilization. Different elements form a system: mass production, mass consumption, mass education, mass media served by specialized institutions, schools, corporations and political parties. Even the family's structure changes.

c / The Third Wave Civilization of this wave sells to the world information and inventions, governance, culture and mass culture, high technology, software, education, training, medical services and financial and other services. One of these services can be has the military protection based on the command of the Third Wave armies (in fact, this has provided the highly developed countries for Kuwait and Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War).

These three contrasting and competing civilizations (the first being symbolized by the shovel, the second by the conveyor and the third by the computer) will shape the structure of power in the future world. The First Wave Field provides raw materials and minerals, the sector of the Second Wave - cheaper labor and mass production, and the emerging Third Wave sector is pushing for dominance based on new ways of creating and using knowledge. How will competition and clashes between these three civilizations develop? They are trying to answer Alvin and Heidi Toffler in the following excerpt from their most recent book that If today's redistributed to the world from two to three seems unlikely right now, it's just because the transition from the Second World War's brutal power economies to the third wave of intellectual power economies is not over yet. Even in the United States, Japan and Europe, the internal control battle between the Third and Second Wave elites has not yet come to an end. Important institutions and sectors of the Second wave are still in existence, and the political lobbies of the Second Wave do not lose power.