11. 정부통치의 기원, 원리 및 형태
172 The 집행적인 권력executive power(집행권) in each country is in the hands of a 인격person(사람man) styled the King; but the French Constitution distinguishes between the King and the Sovereign: It considers the 지위station(자리) of King as 공무원official(관리직), and 자리한다places(둔다) Sovereignty in the nation.
172 The representatives of the nation, who 합성하는compose(구성하는construct) the National Assembly, and who are the 입법적인 권력legislative power(입법권력), 기원된originate(탄생한) in and from the people by election, as an 대물림된inherent(타고난innate) right in the people.
172 those same 물질들이matters(것들이) which in France are now 붙들어진held(주장되는) as rights in the people, or in the nation, are held in England as 수여물들grants(하사품) from what is called the crown.
173 The French Constitution puts the legislative before the executive, the law before the king; la loi, le roi. This also is in the 본성적인 질서명령natural order(자연적 질서) of 거시기들things(사물), because laws must have 실존해야existence(존재해야being) before they can have execution.
175 That this 봉토적인vassalage(신하적) 이념idea(사고thought) and 말투style(양식mode) of 발언하기speaking(언어langage) was not 없어지지got rid of(불식되지dispelled) even at the Revolution of 1688, is 증거있게evident(분명히) from the 선포declaration(선언manifest) of Parliament to William and Mary in these words: "We do most 겸손하게humbly(공경) and 신앙심있게faithfully(충심) 승인하다submit(복종obedience) ourselves, our 계승자들heirs(후손descendant) and 후계자들posterities, for ever." Submission is 전일하게wholly(철저히) a vassalage term, 거슬리는repugnant(무시하는igronant) to the 존엄함dignity(존엄성) of freedom, and an echo of the language used at the Conquest.
176 The difference between a republican and a 궁정인courtier(신하) with 존중respect(보는) to monarchy, is that the one opposes monarchy, believing it to be 일부의것something(대단한 것); and the other laughs at it, knowing it to be nothing.
176 It is not their 이득interest(이익gain) to 간직하는cherish(유지하는maintain) ignorance, but to 불식하는dispel(배격하는) it... The National Assembly must throw open a 잡지magazine(창고warehouse) of 빛light(광명bright future). It must show man the 알맞은proper(걸맞은suitable) 성격character of 사람man(인간human); and the nearer it can bring him to that 기준standard, the stronger the National Assembly becomes.
177 In 살펴보면서contemplating(관찰하면서observing) the French Constitution, we see in it a rational order of things. The principles harmonise 더불어써with(와) the forms, and both with their origin. It may perhaps be said as an excuse for bad forms, that they are nothing more than forms; but this is a mistake. Forms grow out of principles, and 작동한다operate(작용을 한다) to 계속하도록continue(유지시키는maintain) the principles they 성장해나온grow from(유래한). It is impossible to 실천될practise(구체화될become conctete) a bad form on anything but a bad principle. It cannot be ingrafted on a good one; and wherever the forms in any 정부통치government(국가state) are bad, it is a 일정한certain(확실한sure) 조짐indication(표시show) that the principles are bad also.
● [사람의 올바룸들] 제 1부, 11장 안에서, 페인은 간략하게 아래부터의 인민주권이론의 정부통치가 어떻게 조직되는지에 관한 원리들을 보여줍니다. 이미 누차례 공부해서 뻔하지만, 한번 더 복습한다는 기분으로 정리했습니다.
1)입법적인 권력이 집행적인 권력보다 앞에 실존한다,
2) 왕 또는 집행적인 권력은 어떤 공직자에 불과하다,
3) 국민의 대표자들은 인민 안에 대물림된 본성적인 올바룸으로서 인민 안에 그리고 으로부터 선거에 의해 기원된 입법적인 권력이다,
4) 주권은 국민 안에 있다,
5) 형태는 원리로부터 생겨나고, 그 둘은 그 기원과 조화된다,
이것이 거시기들의 합리적인 질서명령이다. 프랑스 컨스티투션은 바로 이러한 합리적인 질서명령의 실천이지만, 영국의 그것은 봉토적인 노예의 그것에 불과한데도 불구하고, 버크가 그것을 옹호한다고 페인은 비판하는 것입니다.